quellen
|
quellen |
"Esteemed citizens of Russia!
On 3 and 4 October Russia experienced an extremely great
tragedy. Gangs of murderers and thugs poured onto the streets of
our capital. They smashed up state institutions and mistreated
people whom they took hostage. They seized city buses and
trucks. Many weapons, much ammunition, and many military
vehicles ended up in the hands of thugs. The lives of peaceful
city dwellers were placed in deadly peril.
What happened in Moscow last Sunday was not some kind of
spontaneous demonstration. All this has a different name -- an
armed mutiny, planned and prepared by the leaders of the former
Supreme Soviet, the former vice president, and the leaders of a
number of parties and organizations.
Among these were the "National Salvation Front," and first
and foremost "Trudovaya Rossiya" [Working Russia] which is a part
of it, a number of communist parties and groups, the fascist
"Russian National Unity," and others. Fascists joined ranks with
communists and the swastika with the hammer and sickle in this
dark deed.
Among the organizers of and active participants in this
mutiny were certain former people's deputies who for a long time
had been carrying out what were in point of fact criminal
activities. Under cover of their immunity as deputies, they used
them for incitement to violence, to organize mass bloody
disturbances, and to unleash a civil war.
Their purpose was to establish a bloody communist-fascist
dictatorship in Russia. It is clear today that this had been
prepared over the course of many months.
A great deal is currently being said about the slowness, the
hesitation, the confusion of the authorities. I have to say
bluntly -- not everyone had sufficient self-possession, not
everyone had the strength and nerve to withstand the gigantic
tension at the most critical moment.
The bloody events of that night forced us to bring regular
army units into Moscow. A grave decision was made to storm the
White House building, which had turned into a citadel of
terrorism with a huge number of weapons and huge amount of
ammunition, and had become the most dangerous factor in
unleashing civil war in Russia.
It was precisely from the White House that the militants'
actions were being coordinated, and it was precisely there that
illegal armed detachments were being set up. "To the Mayor's
office!" "To Ostankino!" "To the Kremlin!"
But the White House has also become a symbol of perfidy and
treachery. All preparations for the rebellion were conducted
under the cover of the talks. The noble intentions of the
Russian Orthodox Church to help resolve the crisis were trampled
underfoot.
There is something else I have to say. There would have been
considerably fewer victims if the militants and snipers holed up
in the House of Soviets had not fired directly at civilians and
if the order to surrender weapons had been given when resistance
became pointless.
The flame of civil war in Russia has been extinguished. But
one's heart is heavy because an enormous price had to be paid to
do this. I am grieved that amid the ashes people have already
started creating a commotion for the sake of petty political
advantage, for the sake of saving the reputations of those who
covered themselves with shame that night. May God be their
judge!
We should learn most serious lessons so that this does not
happen again.
Why did we resign ourselves to the fact that organizations
which not only incited violence but also organized it were legal
in Russia? They were never rebuffed either by the Procuracy, or
by the law enforcement bodies.
Society had almost resigned itself to the fact that the
Supreme Soviet and the congress became their main protectors. As
a result, their escapades became increasingly brazen and
sinister.
Why is it that any action, even a timid action strengthening
law and order, and any measure with elements of toughness met a
cool attitude, to put it mildly, on the part of many journalists,
people who consider themselves democrats?
Even when for the sake of Muscovites' safety we were forced
to create a cordon around the "White House," which was crammed
with lethal weaponry, from all sides there showered down
accusations of cruelty and heartlessness, of a revival of
authoritarianism.
The main lesson is that democracy must be reliably defended.
The state must use force if there arises a threat of violence or
threat to citizens' lives and safety. Without that there is no
democracy.
Everyone who took up arms and participated in the disorders
will be punished with all the severity of the law. All purveyors
of fascist-communist ideas, who incited people to rebel, will
also be made answerable in accordance with the law. There will
be no more leniency to communist-fascism in Russia.
The cause of the tragic events in Moscow lay in the fact that
too many people here wanted to prolong the pernicious diarchy
destroying Russia.
Literally immediately after the abolition of the Supreme
Soviet and the setting of parliamentary elections, a blanket
campaign to win over the regions was unleashed. They started to
create a new enemy to the executive in the form of the so-called
Council of Component Parts of the Federation. It is difficult to
say which played the greater part here -- political ineptitude
and naivete or cold calculation. Indeed each step in this
direction was a blow against the state, against unity and the
integrity of Russia. With each of these steps the aggression
and effrontery of those who had chosen the path of violence and
arbitrary rule mounted.
I consider that the Constitutional Court is to blame to a
large extent for the events. This body long ago violated the
crucial principle that the Constitutional Court is independent
from the political environment.
Long ago it turned into the prosecutor of the executive and
the acolyte of the lawmakers.
Incidentally, the Courts appeared not to notice that the
Russian Constitution was being violated by numerous amendments.
It ignored the crying contradictions in the Constitution,
intentionally exacerbated by the Congress.
There is something special to be said about the Soviets.
Each of them has deputies who support reforms, but regardless
of this, the stance of most of them meant in fact, after 21
September, that any actions of the former Supreme Soviet were
justified per se. Moreover, it [the Supreme Soviet] was being
provoked and pushed toward the violence, and all kinds of hints
of support were being made. I have no doubt that, should the
insurgents have taken the upper hand, the majority of Soviets
would have come out in their support.
I state with all responsibility that the majority of the
bodies of soviet power bear direct responsibility for the extreme
exacerbation of the situation in Moscow. The system of the
soviets has shown complete disregard for the security of the
state and its citizens and has itself brought its own political
destiny to an end.
I believe that the soviets, who took up irreconcilable
positions, must not now adapt themselves to the new situation but
take an honorable and courageous decision on self-dissolution and
leave peacefully, like human beings, without further shocks and
scandals. Life itself demands this.
Administrations of krays and oblasts have been given
instructions to draw up a list of measures as soon as possible
for social guarantees for deputies.
At the same time it is necessary to devise as soon as
possible a mechanism for transforming the soviets into normal
bodies of representative power.
The Public Chamber [Obshchestvennaya Palata], the Committee
for Legislative Proposals, and the Committee on Human Rights
could have their say here -- everyone who has an interest in
strengthening Russian statehood. Of course, elections to new
representative bodies of power in the localities have to be held
in December, without delay.
Esteemed fellow citizens!
Having lived through the terrible days and nights, we can
nevertheless be confident that it has not proved possible to
unleash civil war in Russia. The insurgents in our capital
remained outsiders. The people of Moscow despise and curse them.
They failed to split the country, to split the army, and the
state.
However, the problems which the revolt laid bare are
extremely serious.
We need a normal democratic Constitution as much as we need
air. We need a united Russia. Playing at regional isolation is
counter to the interests and will of the majority of the
country's population. We need a complete reform of the army and
the security bodies.
We need to continue unswervingly the economic
transformations, supporting all of the government's efforts
directed toward this end.
To restore order and stability and cleanse Moscow of fighters
once and for all, a state of emergency has been introduced in the
capital for one week. Depending on the situation, this time-span
can be reduced or slightly increased.
Most Muscovites and citizens of Russia realise the need for
this harsh measure and support it.
At the same time, several tough measures envisaged under the
Law on the State of Emergency are unnecessary in present
circumstances. Instructions to lift the precautionary censorship
of the mass media have already been issued.
However, I would like to give the following warning. If
anybody thinks that the situation has completely returned to
normal, they are making a big mistake. Passions have not
subsided. Careless and irresponsible words could inflame them
again. I appeal to journalists to display a sense of civic duty.
Quite a few heavy responsibilities lie on the shoulders of
servicemen, law enforcement personnel, and firemen at this time.
They are working in an extremely tight regime, risking their
lives, and bearing all the weight of the state of emergency.
My heartfelt gratitude to you for removing the danger of
pogroms and anarchy in Moscow, for stopping raging banditism, and
averting an extremely dangerous political escapade.
During these days the workload of the medical staff has
increased manyfold. You are saving lives, helping many people,
and taking upon yourselves part of their suffering and pain. I
am grateful to you, because in difficult conditions, even in the
face of bullets, you remained faithful to the Hippocratic oath.
One of the main attacks of the rebels was on mass information
media.
I thank all those who, at the most dramatic moments of the
October mutiny, continued to broadcast on television and radio. I
thank the journalists who worked in dangerous areas of Moscow.
The blood of journalists was spilled in this tragedy.
I bow before the courage of the staff of the Ostankino
television center who, at the price of their lives, upheld their
right to freedom of information.
I would like to express words of gratitude to Muscovites for
their support for the president and the government. Over the
past few days our city has become the "hottest spot" in Russia.
But for your stand, but for those who came to the city center
that night, it cannot be ruled out that the price which one would
have had to pay to defend freedom and democracy would have been
immeasurably higher.
Russia and the whole world today express respect for your
courage, your dignity, and your choice.
Esteemed citizens of Russia!
The worst is over, but to ensure that peace and calm in our
country are not disrupted, we all need to strengthen our state
and strengthen democracy. Elections to the Federal Assembly will
be held on 12 December and, I think, to new representative bodies
in the localities.
All politicians, parties, and movements which have not
discredited themselves by direct participation in the
insurrection, are guaranteed equal chances.
Over the past few days we have seen for ourselves how great
the price of political indifference can be. Such indifference is
no answer, is no guarantee of personal safety. How can anyone
sleep peacefully when their home is set on fire?
I appeal to you, esteemed compatriots, to actively
participate in the elections and to elect decent, competent,
intelligent, and cultured people -- those who are not capable of
betrayal.
Dear compatriots!
We have left behind the nightmare of those black days. One
should not say that there were certain winners or certain losers.
Today these words are misplaced, they are blasphemous. We have
all been burned by the deadly breath of fratricide.
People, our compatriots, were killed. One cannot bring them
back. Pain and suffering have entered many families.
However different their convictions, they were all children
of Russia. This is our common tragedy, our common sorrow -- the
great sorrow.
Let us remember this madness, so that it will never be
allowed to repeat itself."
© GLASNOST, Berlin 1992 - 2019